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Intro -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Who Owns Guns in America (and Why We Should Care) -- A History of American Gun Ownership -- Scientific Polling -- Explaining Trends in Gun Ownership -- The General Social Surveys -- Modeling Repeated Survey Data -- Simple Trends in Gun Ownership -- Who Reports Gun Ownership? -- Understanding HGO -- Bibliography -- Appendix A -- Appendix B -- Subject Index.

Americans can be divided into two groups: those who own guns and those who do not. Although people who own guns and people who do not own guns are often separated along social, cultural, and political lines, it is unclear whether these divisions might extend to population differences in emotional experience. In this paper, we use national cross-sectional data from the 2014 Chapman University Survey on American Fears (n = 1385) to test whether gun owners are more or less afraid than people who do not own guns. We build on previous work by testing two hypotheses with a broad range of fear-related outcomes, including specific phobias and fears associated with being victimized. The symptom perspective argues that gun ownership is a behavioral expression of fear, that gun owners need guns to protect themselves because they are irrational cowards. Although binary logistic regression models provided minimal support for this idea, there was some evidence to suggest that the odds of gun ownership are higher for people who report being afraid of being victimized by a random/mass shooting. The palliative perspective claims that gun ownership mitigates fear, that owning a powerful weapon is somehow soothing to individuals and their families. Ordinary least squares and negative binomial regression models suggest that people who own guns tend to report lower levels of phobias and victimization fears than people who do not own guns. This general pattern is observed across multiple indicators of fear (e.g., of animals, heights, zombies, and muggings), multiple outcome specifications (continuous and count), and with adjustments for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, religious attendance, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. Additional longitudinal research is needed to confirm our findings with a wider range of covariates and fear-related outcomes.

Americans can be divided into two groups: those who own guns and those who do not. Although people who own guns and people who do not own guns are often separated along social, cultural, and political lines, it is unclear whether these divisions might extend to population differences in emotional experience. In this paper, we use national cross-sectional data from the 2014 Chapman University Survey on American Fears (n = 1385) to test whether gun owners are more or less afraid than people who do not own guns. We build on previous work by testing two hypotheses with a broad range of fear-related outcomes, including specific phobias and fears associated with being victimized. The symptom perspective argues that gun ownership is a behavioral expression of fear, that gun owners need guns to protect themselves because they are irrational cowards. Although binary logistic regression models provided minimal support for this idea, there was some evidence to suggest that the odds of gun ownership are higher for people who report being afraid of being victimized by a random/mass shooting. The palliative perspective claims that gun ownership mitigates fear, that owning a powerful weapon is somehow soothing to individuals and their families. Ordinary least squares and negative binomial regression models suggest that people who own guns tend to report lower levels of phobias and victimization fears than people who do not own guns. This general pattern is observed across multiple indicators of fear (e.g., of animals, heights, zombies, and muggings), multiple outcome specifications (continuous and count), and with adjustments for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, religious attendance, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. Additional longitudinal research is needed to confirm our findings with a wider range of covariates and fear-related outcomes. ; Open access journal ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

This study was aimed to depict patterns of gun ownership in the United States and to outline the reasons for gun ownership and the influential variables associated with people's reasons for owning handguns and long guns. This study used data derived from the 2004 National Firearm Survey to examine how respondents' geographic region of residency, gender, race, age, rural location and education level influenced the likelihood of, and reasons for owning a firearm. The findings from this study suggest that being a male, living in the south and participants' age was significant in determining the likelihood of participants owning a hand gun or long gun for self defense, or hunting, sports or target shooting. Race and living in a rural area was significant in determining the likelihood of owning a gun, however it was insignificant in suggesting reasons for owning a handgun or long gun.

Calvin Mitchell is a gun-loving conservative black man who hates when people "play the race card." And yet as he tries to participate in the gun world, he is constantly confronted with racism. How is Calvin to maintain his love for guns and conservative beliefs, all the while experiencing exclusion from the gun community? In exploring Calvin's untenable position, this essay opens up the ideological matrix of gun ownership and shows that understanding gun ownership means looking beyond the gun.

This research is under a descriptive qualitative method. Therefore, library research was used to compile primary data. The primary data was taken from the documentary film, and the secondary data was taken from sources such as books, articles, and journals. Method of American studies or interdiciplinary approach was also apllied with theories to analyze the problem formulation in this research. They were American politics towards gun laws, sociological theory, and popular culture. The result shows that American policy towards gun legality is less tight and it gives bad impacts to American society. The rules that have been made by the American government still considered weak and make American justify any illegal way to get their own gun easily. Therefore, the American government is supposed to improve the laws of gun ownership legality to decrease the impacts of gun problems.

This research is under a descriptive qualitative method. Therefore, library research was used to compile primary data. The primary data was taken from the documentary film, and the secondary data was taken from sources such as books, articles, and journals. Method of American studies or interdiciplinary approach was also apllied with theories to analyze the problem formulation in this research. They were American politics towards gun laws, sociological theory, and popular culture. The result shows that American policy towards gun legality is less tight and it give many bad impacts to American society. The rules that have been made by the American government still considered weak and make American justify any illegal way to get their own gun easily. Therefore, the American government is supposed to improve the laws of gun ownership legality to decrease the impacts of gun problems.

In the last half century, gun ownership has been one of the most hotly debated topics in the United States. The right to bear arms was written into the U. S. Constitution and into the hearts and minds of its citizens. During the last half century, however, numerous gun control laws have been enacted at Federal, state and local levels, and it can be argued (plausibly or not) that part of the "legislative intent" has been to decrease the number of gun owning households in the United States. For many decades, this number hovered at one half of all households (Wright, 1995). The possible success of these gun control efforts is suggested by an apparent and rather sharp decline in the ownership percentage beginning in the 1990s. In 2000, the household gun ownership rate had decreased to 32.5% (according to the General Social Survey). The question raised in this thesis is how to account for declining gun ownership. More specifically, I ask if there has in fact been a decline in ownership, or whether the apparent decline is an illusion resulting from changing demographics. A third possibility, that social norms have changed such that admitting gun ownership in surveys is now more problematic for many people, is also considered and seems, indeed, to be the most telling line of explanation. ; 2004-05-01 ; M.A. ; College of Arts and Sciences, Department of Sociology and Anthropology ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

This week's guest is Ryan Busse, former senior executive in the firearms industry. Ryan's new book, Gunfight, is an intimate and revealing account of his experience in that industry, his growing disillusionment with it and his ultimate exit. In this conversation, we talk about rural household gun culture, the symbolism assault rifles take on in political division, and the rights and responsibilities of gun ownership in our country. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/anewangle_podcasts/1224/thumbnail.jpg